Prior to the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, the Kyrgyz Republic’s financial system was structured to act as a regional component of the greater state system, which allocated resources according to the central government’s expectations. Kyrgyz financial institutions lent to enterprises when directed to do so by Soviet officials and often did so without objective considerations of creditworthiness: the loans mostly covered losses or helped maintain employment. The Kyrgyz Republic government continued this practice until early 1994 (World Bank 1996).
After the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, the Kyrgyz Republic experienced severe economic hardship caused by the cessation of former Soviet budget backing, previously amounting to approximately 10% of the country’s gross domestic product (GDP), and trade. These repercussions continued to weigh on the Kyrgyz Republic in 1996. That year, the Kyrgyz Republic’s financial system consisted of the country’s central bank, then called the National Bank of Kyrgyzstan (NBK), 17 commercial banks, and a savings bank. Four of the banks, the so-called “Big Four” that were state-owned specialized banks, accounted for 80% of the system’s assets (World Bank 1996). The 18 institutions’ assets totaled 16.5% of the country’s GDP in 1995, and only 8% of the system’s gross loan portfolio was considered performing. Government-directed lending, as well as a culture of poor lending practices, led to the large stock of nonperforming loans. Additionally, the government offered the Big Four “implicit subsidies, including the free lease of many local premises and the rescheduling of some NBK refinancing on soft terms” (World Bank 1996). Finally, poor lending practices in the immediate lead-up to the country’s later financial system reforms occurred as the banks’ shareholders and managers showed “little concern about further losses” because the institutions were already insolvent and “waiting for some form of a bail-out” from the government (World Bank 1996).
To stabilize the financial system, and by extension, help the broader economy, the Kyrgyz Republic undertook broad restructuring efforts, including updating the country’s regulatory environment and dealing with the large insolvent state banks and their nonperforming loans. The latter part of the strategy began in earnest when the NBK board in 1996 created DEBRA, a debt restructuring agency and asset management company (AMC), to take control and dispose of assets and liabilities of banks the NBK sought to liquidate or restructure. The World Bank supported the government’s efforts via a Financial Sector Adjustment Credit (FINSAC), a loan that helped fund DEBRA’s operations and other financial system changes. The multilateral institution also facilitated the creation of the FINSAC Review Committee, which oversaw the implementation of reforms (World Bank 1996).
DEBRA could liquidate or restructure a bank and take on its assets in the process, or just take on a bank’s nonperforming assets (World Bank 1996). Any institution or assets the NBK approved could be transferred to DEBRA, but officials initially and explicitly targeted the Big Four, liquidating two and restructuring two (World Bank 1996). During DEBRA’s original three-year mandate, it also received nonperforming loans from eight other commercial banks and was appointed liquidator of an additional large bank (World Bank 2000). It is unclear if the eight commercial banks were restructured or liquidated.
DEBRA comprised two main units: the Bank Restructuring Unit (BRU), which performed the receiver and restructuring functions, and the Debt Recovery Unit (DRU), which dealt with the nonperforming loan portfolios transferred from the banks. Policymakers chose to transfer bad assets to the DRU “to avoid moral hazard and the loss of financial discipline that would result from wholesale, unconditional forgiveness of non-performing loans to the enterprise sector” (World Bank 1996).
The DRU recovered, sold, or wrote off the nonperforming assets it received. DRU staff had a variety of recovery and resolution methods at its disposal, including discounts, debt collateral swaps, debt restructuring, and the auction or sale of the debt (World Bank 1996). The agency originally planned to create automatic criteria for determining how to handle certain categories of loans but ended up creating individual plans for each debtor (World Bank 2000). The received assets were initially required to be resolved by the termination of DEBRA’s original three-year mandate (World Bank 1996). Policymakers later extended the AMC’s mandate by three additional years, to May 2002, to handle the liquidation of another large bank (World Bank 2000). Over subsequent years, DEBRA became a semipermanent, increasingly independent fixture in the Kyrgyz financial system, liquidating and rehabilitating banks and collecting debts on behalf of the Ministry of Finance (MOF) (World Bank 2015). DEBRA still operated as of April 2021.
During the three years of its initial mandate, DEBRA took on a total portfolio of Som 1,573 million (USD $42 million), 73% of which was still unresolved as of April 1999 (World Bank 2000). DEBRA officials ascribed the poor resolution outcomes to problems with court-appointed executors and the particularly bad quality of the assets it handled (World Bank 2000). In addition to poor resolution results, the country’s stock of nonperforming loans rose after DEBRA’s intervention. Loans classified as “less than satisfactory” increased to 34% in 1999 from 9% in 1997 (World Bank 2000). It remains unclear if the nonperforming loans DEBRA originally received in the 1990s remain on the AMC’s books today, but many of its liquidation cases had “been lingering for more than a decade,” as of 2015 (World Bank 2015).